The cost of war: Is Russia running out of money to continue the fight?

The cost of war: Is Russia running out of money to continue the fight?

2025-11-14Business
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雷总
早上好 hanjf12,我是雷总,这里是专为您打造的 Goose Pod。今天是 11 月 15 日,星期六,早上 6 点。
董小姐
我是董小姐。今天我们来聊一个硬核话题:战争的代价——俄罗斯是不是快没钱继续打下去了?
雷总
没错,最近俄罗斯的财政状况确实引发了很多关注。根据最新的数据,仅仅在十月份,俄罗斯的联邦预算就出现了大约4000亿卢布的赤字,换算一下,差不多是42亿欧元。这可不是个小数目啊。
董小姐
赤字就意味着入不敷出。把时间线拉长看,今年到目前为止,俄罗斯的财政缺口已经达到了4.2万亿卢布,占到了他们GDP的1.9%。说白了,就是国家的钱袋子越来越紧了。
雷总
是的,而且这个问题的根源非常清晰。主要就是因为国际制裁导致他们的石油价格大幅下跌。你看,今年前10个月,俄罗斯油气行业的联邦税收,和去年同期相比,直接减少了21.4%!这是一个非常惊人的数字。
董小姐
油卖不上价,国家的钱当然就少了。我看到数据,他们的乌拉尔原油,卖得比国际标准的布伦特原油每桶要便宜将近20美元。这中间的差价,就是实实在在的损失。核心业务的利润被压缩,企业还怎么发展?国家财政就更紧张了。
雷总
俄罗斯反对派政治家,曾经在政府担任经济顾问的弗拉基米尔·米洛夫,最近有个报告,话说得非常直接。他说,俄罗斯的预算状况“一点也不正常”,要想维持军事机器的运转,需要更多的钱,但问题是“根本没有钱”。
董小姐
这话很尖锐,但可能说到了点子上。连他们最大的军工企业,俄罗斯国家技术集团的CEO都承认,军事生产的利润率很低,有些甚至是零利润或者负利润,根本没剩下多少钱用于发展。没有利润的生意,谁能做长久?
雷总
所以,这就导致了一个结果:俄罗斯现在只能负担得起一场有限的、低强度的战争。我们看到,现在战场上大规模的坦克装甲冲突变少了,更多的是无人机、导弹袭击和一些局部攻势。这就是因为,全面的高强度对抗,实在是太烧钱了。
董小姐
其实,俄罗斯的财政问题不是一天两天了。历史上他们就吃过大亏。我记得很清楚,1998年那次金融危机,当时叫“卢布危机”,卢布一夜之间贬值,政府直接债务违约。那次教训太深刻了。
雷总
对,那次危机确实是俄罗斯经济的最低点。苏联解体后,他们的国防开支本来就在大幅缩水,从1991年到1997年,实际价格计算下降了八倍。到了1998年金融危机,军费开支更是跌到了谷底,连苏联时期的四分之一都不到。
董小姐
所以说,没有强大的经济基础,想维持庞大的军事开销是不可能的。后来普京上台,加上油价上涨,他们的经济才缓过来,军费也开始猛增。从2000年到2021年,我看到一个数据,军费预算从92亿美元涨到了659亿美元,翻了6倍多!
雷总
是的,这个增长速度非常快,尤其是在2008年军事改革之后。到了2014年,他们的军费预算已经超过了任何一个欧洲国家。但是,这种高增长背后也埋下了隐患。他们的经济结构太依赖能源出口了,一旦油价波动,财政就会立刻受到冲击。
董小姐
没错,就像我们的企业一样,核心竞争力不能只靠一两个产品。俄罗斯就是把宝全押在了石油和天然气上。2015年、2016年那会儿,因为油价暴跌,他们就不得不削减原定的军费增长计划。这说明他们的财政其实很脆弱。
雷总
完全正确。而这次战争爆发后,开销更是几何级数增长。根据一些政府文件和机构的预测,2023年的军费开支就超过了1000亿美元,到2024年,估算可能达到1400亿美元。这是什么概念?相当于政府总支出的35%都花在这上面了。
董小姐
一个国家的钱,要么花在民生,要么花在发展,要么花在国防。如果国防和安全开支占到了总支出的40%,那就意味着教育、医疗、社会福利这些领域的投入会被严重挤压。这种模式,短期可以,长期来看,问题非常大。是在透支国家的未来。
雷总
是的,所以现在俄罗斯面临的,是自1999年以来最长的一次连续高赤字时期。虽然现在的赤字占GDP的比重,没有上世纪90年代初那么夸张,但那时候大家觉得改革和合作是有希望的,现在的前景却非常不明朗。这才是最让人担忧的地方。
雷总
说到前景不明朗,就不得不提西方的制裁。关于制裁的效果,现在的争议很大。一方面,制裁的范围和力度是前所未有的,但另一方面,似乎又没有达到预想中那样,让俄罗斯经济迅速崩溃。这是为什么呢?
董小姐
做生意嘛,总有办法的。上有政策,下有对策。西方想把俄罗斯彻底孤立,但世界太大了。俄罗斯自己也早有准备,搞了个所谓的“堡垒战略”,提前储备外汇,减少对美元的依赖,还发展了自己的支付系统。这些措施都起到了一定的缓冲作用。
雷总
嗯,而且制裁的实施是逐步的,尤其是在能源领域,这就给了俄罗斯适应和寻找变通办法的时间。比如,他们成功地把原本卖给欧洲的石油和天然气,转移到了中国和印度。贸易路线改了,但生意还在继续。
董小姐
这就好比我的产品在一个市场被禁了,我肯定会马上开拓新的市场。而且,总有一些“中间商”愿意帮忙。像土耳其、阿联酋这些国家,就在其中扮演了重要的角色,帮助俄罗斯绕过了一些贸易限制,进口关键的零部件。商业世界里,风险和机遇总是并存的。
雷总
确实如此。另外,俄罗斯在国际舆论场上也下了很大功夫。他们把自己定位为“世界多数”的领导者,去团结那些对西方主导的国际秩序不满的国家。这种叙事在“全球南方”国家中很有市场,形成了一个反对西方的阵营。
董小姐
这是一种聪明的策略。而且他们还和中国、伊朗、朝鲜这些国家走得更近了,形成了一个所谓的“动荡轴心”。伊朗提供无人机,朝鲜提供炮弹,中国在经济和技术上给予支持。这大大抵消了西方制裁带来的压力。所以,想单靠制裁就解决问题,太理想化了。
雷总
是的,这已经不是单纯的经济问题,而是复杂的国际政治和地缘战略博弈。制裁理论上很强大,但在实践中,执行的力度、盟友的团结、以及目标国家寻找替代方案的能力,都决定了最终的效果。目前来看,这场博弈还远未到分出胜负的时候。
雷总
不过,虽然制裁没有造成经济崩溃,但它的影响是实实在在的,而且是深远的。最明显的一点,就是技术封锁。这对俄罗斯未来的发展打击很大。他们现在很难进口西方的先进设备和零部件,这导致工业效率下降。
董小姐
没有核心科技,就没有未来。这一点我深有体会。俄罗斯的汽车工业受到的冲击就非常典型。很多西方的汽车品牌撤出后,他们只能生产一些技术老旧的车型,或者依赖中国的替代品。虽然也能用,但质量和性能上总归差了一截。这对整个国家的工业水平是一种伤害。
雷总
军事工业也是一样。虽然政府投入巨资,军工生产规模扩大了,但很多核心的电子元件和半导体,还是得依赖进口。现在只能通过第三方国家,比如中国,以高出原来一倍甚至更多的价格去采购。这无疑增加了成本,也存在“卡脖子”的风险。
董小姐
能源出口方面,虽然他们找到了新的买家,但代价是必须提供大幅度的折扣。比如,每桶原油要便宜超过10美元才能卖出去。别小看这10美元,算下来,一年就少赚几百亿美元。更不用说,他们自己切断了对欧洲的天然气供应,那可是每年超过300亿美元的生意,说不要就不要了。这种损失是巨大的。
雷总
是的,可以说,西方制裁最大的作用,可能不是立刻打垮俄罗斯,而是“拿走了俄罗斯的经济未来”。它让俄罗斯的技术进步变得缓慢,让民众的生活水平难以提高,也让整个国家在面对未来的经济冲击时,变得更加脆弱。这是一种长期的、缓慢的消耗。
雷总
那么展望未来,俄罗斯的财政状况会走向何方?战争还能持续多久?现在很难有确切的答案。不过,普京最近在一个国防工厂的表态很有意思,他说“对现代化武装力量的需求不会就此结束”。这表明他们有长期维持军事能力的打算。
董小姐
有打算是一回事,有没有钱是另一回事。从我们刚才的分析来看,他们的财政状况已经岌岌可危。靠印钞来填补赤字?那会引发恶性通货膨胀,重蹈1998年的覆辙。提高税收?企业和民众的负担已经很重了。剩下的选择真的不多了。
雷总
是的,米洛夫的报告就认为,西方必须进一步施压,特别是要在2027年前逐步停止进口俄罗斯的液化天然气,到2028年彻底切断所有能源联系。如果真的做到这一点,那对俄罗斯的财政将是致命一击。所以,未来的关键变量,还在于国际能源市场的变化和西方制裁的决心。
雷总
总而言之,俄罗斯正面临着严峻的预算危机,想维持目前的战争强度越来越困难。今天的讨论就到这里。感谢收听 Goose Pod。
董小姐
没错,战争的代价远超预期,未来的变数依然很多。感谢收听,我们明天再见。

俄罗斯面临严峻预算危机,战争开销巨大导致财政赤字飙升。国际制裁虽未令其经济崩溃,但技术封锁和能源出口折扣削弱了其长期发展潜力。俄罗斯或将难以维持高强度战争,未来财政状况及战争走向仍充满不确定性。

The cost of war: Is Russia running out of money to continue the fight?

Read original at The Kyiv Independent

A view of the full moon over the Russian Foreign Ministry in Moscow, Russia on June 4, 2023. (Sefa Karacan/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)In early October, the Russian government released the full draft of its 2026–2028 federal budget, outlining President Vladimir Putin's key policy priorities for the coming years.

In his report for the Free Russia Foundation think tank, shared with the Kyiv Independent, Russian opposition politician Vladimir Milov said Russia's budgetary situation is anything but "normal.""To keep (Russia's) military machine running like this, a lot more money is needed — and there simply is not any," Milov, who was an economic advisor for the Russian government in the early 2000s, told the Kyiv Independent.

The Kyiv Independent looked into the Russian budget draft to see if Russia is ultimately running out of money to feed into its war machine.Russia’s air defenses are wide open — there’s just one problemThe Kyiv IndependentTania MyronyshenaSeven years of deficitsAccording to the report, Russia is experiencing a full-blown budget crisis.

Vladimir Dubrovskiy, a senior economist at the Center for Social and Economic Research Ukraine, said the deficit is "Russia's most serious economic and political-economic problem."The country is facing seven consecutive years of high budget deficit (over 2%) — a streak unseen since 1999, according to Milov's report.

The Russian government has officially abandoned its goal of keeping the deficit below 1% of GDP.For 2025, the projected deficit was increased by 0.5% to a 2.6% total. The government expects the 2026 deficit to fall to 1.6% of GDP, but analysts say that projection is likely unrealistic."The deficit that Russia is expecting for 2025 is quite significant.

It is true that the planned deficit for 2026 is lower, but those numbers are wishful thinking," Benjamin Hilgenstock, head of macroeconomic research and strategy at the KSE Institute, said.Russian Finance Minister Anton Siluanov (L) talks to Central Bank Governor Elvira Nabiullina (R) at the Grand Kremlin Palace, on April 17, 2024 in Moscow, Russia.

(Contributor/Getty Images)Dubrovskiy also believes the projected figures are an underestimation."If the war continues, the deficit will almost certainly grow significantly, as it did in the past," he told the Kyiv Independent. "Moreover, this estimate does not take into account the potential impact of future economic sanctions."

Hilgenstock added that in any case, a deficit of 2-3% of GDP is "a lot for Russia since it doesn't have access to financing like normal countries."Moscow remains shut out of international financial markets due to sanctions, leaving it dependent on domestic borrowing and limited reserves. Even China, once seen as a potential lender, has refused to provide government loans.

Expensive warThis fiscal crisis affects Russia's ability to fund the war against Ukraine.The Kremlin has been forced — at least on paper — to cap further increases in military spending to keep its books in check. Yet the government no longer publishes real expenditure data, releasing only projections.

Between 2026 and 2028, Moscow claims defense spending will remain flat, falling slightly as a share of GDP from 6.3% in 2025 to 5.5% in 2026 and 2027, and further to 4.7% in 2028.Milov says the figures hide a deeper problem."The military-industrial complex is facing financial difficulties," Milov said.

"To keep it operating even at its current pace — without further cuts we've seen — is becoming increasingly difficult."Russian military personnel arrive to participate in the Victory Day military parade, to be held at Red Square, in central Moscow on May 9, 2023. (Kirill Kudriavtsev/AFP via Getty Images)Sergey Chemezov, CEO of Rostec, Russia's largest arms producer, admitted in August that "the profitability of production remains low, and somewhere even zero, if not negative," leaving "not too many funds for development."

The result, Milov said, is that Russia can afford only a limited, low-intensity war.He noted that the current phase of the war is "not very intense" in terms of the use of military equipment like tanks, relying mostly on drone strikes, missile attacks, and localized offensives."This type of warfare they can sustain for some time," Milov said, "but the question is what for."

Cutting bonusesSeveral major regions — including Saint Petersburg, Samara, Tatarstan, and Bashkortostan — have slashed recruitment bonuses for volunteer fighters, in some cases fivefold.Instead of launching a new mobilization, the Kremlin has leaned on financial incentives and recruitment campaigns, offering lucrative contracts to volunteers willing to fight in Ukraine.

Although these payments are drawn from regional, not federal, budgets, this trend reflects Russia's broader budget crisis, Milov noted, which severely limits the federal center's ability to provide financial assistance to the regions.Trump takes aim at Putin’s oil lifeline — China and India still hold the keyThe Kyiv IndependentTim ZadorozhnyyOut of optionsWith traditional funding routes exhausted, Russia is left with limited options to finance its budget deficit.

The liquid part of the National Wealth Fund — once Russia's main fiscal cushion — has dwindled to 4.2 trillion rubles ($50 billion), far short of the 5.7 trillion rubles ($70 billion) deficit expected for 2025 alone.Domestic borrowing through state bonds is also functionally impossible under current conditions, as yields on 10-year bonds exceed 15%.

The high cost of debt servicing offsets the amount that can be potentially raised.Mark Stalczynski, Senior Analyst at RAND, noted that the Russian government has raised taxes "to partially offset" defense spending since the beginning of the full-scale war.But while the government has resorted to extensive tax hikes — such as increasing the corporate profit tax to 25% and planning a value-added tax increase to 22% — the resulting revenue generated only a fraction of what's needed.

Russia’s military spending is projected to decline from 5.3% of its GDP to 4.7% by 2028 (Nizar al-Rifai/The Kyiv Independent)Therefore, the only remaining option the government seems to be resorting to is monetary emission — de facto Central Bank credit to the government, Milov noted."Large-scale domestic borrowing would further depress the economy and would immediately remind Russian elites of the disastrous 1998 financial collapse, which was caused by the same type of deficit financing at high interest rates," Dubrovskiy said.

How the West can squeeze Russia outAccording to Milov, Russia's deepening economic and budget crisis is a direct consequence of Western sanctions.He argued that Europe must accelerate phasing out of Russian energy — cutting imports of liquefied natural gas by 2027 and all other energy resources by 2028 to further disrupt Russia's war machine."

This is extremely important," he said, adding that gas supplies to Slovakia and Hungary, as well as LNG exports to Western Europe, remain among Gazprom's main sources of revenue."These deliveries bring Gazprom well over half of its total profit," Milov said.Vasily Astrov, a senior economist at the Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, believes Russia's worsening fiscal performance this year stems primarily from two factors — lower global oil prices and an overvalued ruble.

The ruble's strength has reduced revenues from energy exports once converted into the national currency, he told the Kyiv Independent.Dubrovskiy said that while the oil price cap, which sets the maximum allowable price for Russian seaborne oil exports, remains "the most significant measure" against Russia, it has not yet become fully effective.

Secondary sanctions and restrictions targeting specific Russian entities "have so far been largely symbolic," producing at best "one-off effects," according to Dubrovskiy."Until now, the global decline in oil prices has had the greatest impact," he said.Milov emphasized that Western sanctions — though not a single "magical measure," but rather a complex system of restrictions — are working."

High inflation and interest rates are, of course, a direct product of sanctions," Milov concluded.Can the West win a сeasefire with Russia?The Kyiv IndependentCatarina BuchatskiyNote from the author:Hi, this is Tim. The author of this article. Thank you for taking the time to read it. At the Kyiv Independent, we don't have a wealthy owner or political backing.

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